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When Everything Is Made in China
When Everything Is Made in China
2002/06/09
During the past few months, Intel Corp. announced a $100
million investment in Shanghai to assemble Pentium 4 microprocessors.
Dell Computer Corp. moved its giant PC-making facility from Kuala
Lumpur to Xiamen. The provincial government of Shenzhen said it would
provide $5 billion to boost its integrated-circuit industry. It's not
hard to connect the dots. "China is becoming a manufacturing
superpower," Kenneth Courtis, Goldman, Sachs & Co.'s vice-chairman for
Asia, says, "and the momentum seems unstoppable."
The big question is whether the world economy is becoming so dependent
on China as an industrial lifeline that it will soon be dangerously
vulnerable to a major supply disruption caused by war, terrorism,
social unrest, or a natural disaster. In other words, will China's
importance to global manufacturing soon resemble Saudi Arabia's
position in world oil markets?
Among developing nations, China has been the largest recipient of
foreign investment, averaging about $40 billion per year during the
late 1990s. Membership in the World Trade Organization will result in
even higher levels. U.S. companies are shifting manufacturing from
Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia, and even Mexico to China. Toshiba Corp.
is making its TVs on the mainland, and Sony Corp. is manufacturing its
PlayStations there. Taiwan's companies produce half of all their
information-technology products in the country.
China's advantages are numerous. Its wage rates are a third of
Mexico's and Hungary's, and 5% of those in the U.S. or Japan. China's
investments in education and training are attracting research
facilities from companies such as IBM, Motorola, and Microsoft. The
critical mass of factories, subcontractors, and specialized vendors
has created a manufacturing environment with which few can compete.
China is not just an export platform, either; its large and expanding
domestic market is another attraction.
The mushrooming investment also reflects the obsession among global
CEOs to lower production costs by outsourcing whatever they can to
large-scale specialists. According to Bear, Sterns & Co., 50% of all
manufacturing could be outsourced by 2010. Flextronics International
Ltd. , the world's largest manufacturing subcontractor, is
illustrative. It operates in 28 countries on behalf of companies
selling everything from cell phones to washing machines. Its revenues
have grown from $100 million in 1993 to an estimated $14 billion
today. Its business in China is projected to double this year over
2001 and could reach 40% of its worldwide production in two years, up
from 24% in 1998.
How worried should the U.S. be? To be sure, in the 1980s, one heard
false alarms about Japanese dominance of high-tech industries. But
China is far more open to foreign investment, along with greater cost
advantages and more rigorous higher education.
No one would say China dominates manufacturing--yet. But in April,
Congress' General Accounting Office criticized the Clinton and Bush
Administrations for failing to analyze China's growing sophistication
in semiconductor technology. In the June issue of Harper's,
investigative journalist Barry Lynn underscores the vulnerability of
the U.S. economy to global supply lines that originate in China and
Taiwan and are designed for just-in-time delivery to our critical
industries. Michael Marks, chairman and CEO of Flextronics, has
concerns, too. "I worry that CEOs are overreacting to short-term cost
considerations," he told me. "Too much concentration in China could
lead to serious supply disruptions. It would be better if their
manufacturing facilities were more geographically dispersed."
Unfortunately, it is no one's job to analyze the aggregate risks.
Chief executives are rightfully seeking profits in a hypercompetitive
world. China is admirably opening its economy to foreign investment.
The national-security community is understandably focused on terrorism
and weapons of mass destruction. Threats to highly complex global
supply chains seem not to be the subject of any national or
international group.
There isn't an easy answer for every problem, of course. But it is not
too much to ask the Bush Administration to create a joint
government-business task force to examine key questions. Is the
approximately 90% of all foreign investment that is geographically
located in China's coastal provinces a dangerous concentration? Should
Washington take another look at tax and tariff incentives to make the
entire Caribbean Basin--Mexico, Central America, and the islands--more
attractive to foreign manufacturers? Should multinational companies be
encouraged to hold larger inventories closer to home? Does China need
to beef up its security around its vast industrial parks?
For a quarter of a century, Washington and Wall Street have wanted
China to become an integral part of the world economy. Their wish has
been granted, and now it's time to come to grips with the
implications.
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